A survey conducted on 19 December by the Journalism and Media Studies Centre at the University of Hong Kong indicates strong coverage internationally. Articles were published by The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal and others. The following are the selected two sample reports.

Sample 1
For the brave and canny residents who famously rose up in December and ran their corrupt leaders out of town, the election held on Saturday in this ramshackle fishing village was billed as the big payoff, a democratic reward for demanding their rights.
It was the first truly democratic vote here in decades, if not ever, and something of a landmark of transparency in China’s opaque politics. By the time it ended, the very men who had led Wukan’s struggle against an entrenched village autocracy had been chosen as its new leaders.
“The past ones were all fake democracy.”
The people of Shuidian, a fishing village in Guangdong Province south of Wukan, said officials in Beijing and Guangdong had ignored their pleas for an inquiry into the sale of hundreds of acres of their land by village leaders.
Police beat them until they fled, they said.
“It’s impossible for government to address these issues,” Cai Yutian, an unemployed 34-year-old man, said. “We can’t count on them. The city officials are just as corrupt as the village officials.”

Sample 2
He replied by referring to Wukan, the southern fishing village that made global headlines last year by rebelling against local Communist Party officials and replacing them with leaders of the village’s own choosing.
While the Wukan rebellion was seen by some as an encouraging symbol of protest the deputy director of the newly elected village committee recently told the Financial Times, while the daughter of the activist whose death while in police custody last December fueled the uprising described the punishment “too light,” saying it was “almost an invitation to more corruption.”, it may ultimately be remembered as a failure.
Although some have declared Wukan a model in the fight over illegal land transactions, its future significance remains undecided.
The central government has proven to have little power to stamp out local government illegality.
That means we are likely to see more conflicts of the kind that occurred in Wukan, but little or no resolution of the fundamental abuse of power that spurs them.

The analyses are laid out at two stages, texts and language features are mainly concerned in the discussion and interpretation part. While in the explanation part, the thesis underscores the social contexts beneath the surface. 从批判话语视角看美国媒体对中国形象的塑造(4):http://www.751com.cn/yingyu/lunwen_2683.html